Pro and anti

by Gadgie, 7 April 2008

Terry Glavin has a superb essay up at Z Word about the anti-Zionism of the Canadian left. It is an essential read. His analysis has much to inform a wider audience. I particularly liked his take on the contemporary ‘peace movement’ as reflecting a counter-cultural rather than a social-justice tradition.

He sees anti-war campaigners emerging from the mobilisations of the anti-globalisation movement and quotes Moishe Postone that these “did not express any sort of movement for progressive change”. I haven’t read Postone, but if that judgement is applied to the anti-globalisation movement as a whole it is harsh, certainly for a section of the movement. However, is easy to see how it could be seen in that way.

Firstly, the most visible face of the movement was presented by the decidedly counter-cultural methods of tactical frivolity. However amusing it is to see someone on stilts dressed as a giant pink fairy confronting baton-wielding riot police, it doesn’t inspire confidence in analytic rigour.

Secondly, the movement was partially a defensive one against a specific model of global capitalism that was not based on free markets, as often stated, but on markets fixed and governed by powerful multi-lateral institutions, which were rapidly transforming societies and destroying communities. In such a situation a movement against change is a progressive one.

Finally, the alternative political economy that the movement offered was disparate and inchoate, ranging from anarchist inspired localism to the more conventional left social democracy of those such as Susan George.

The anti-globalisation movement was always trying to shake off that label in favour of being known as the global justice movement and its heart was not the young activist, but the coalition of trade unions, landless peasants, small farmers, indigenous peoples, worker co-operatives, leftists and environmentalists. And this is where Terry’s essay really hits home. As the global justice movement morphed into the anti-war movement, where did this coalition go? It vanished to be replaced by groups of activists with a simplistic anti-Western sentiment. There was always a struggle by political activists to try and wrest control of such an iconic movement. The events following 9/11 allowed an unrepresentative section of the left, informed by “cultural codes” and “ideational packages”, as identified by Shulamit Volkov, rather than the real interests of the global poor, to take control and build an explicitly political anti-Western coalition.

It was a disaster, Islamists were embraced and the landless jettisoned. Iraqi trade unionists faced a barrage of abuse. The left flirted with anti-Semitism and conspiracy theory. It divorced itself from reality in a rather convenient way. There was no need for any great sacrifice for the ’struggle’, just for the constant expression of the requisite anger. But we should not feel too smug. There is a parallel with some in the anti-totalitarian left. So when Marco Attila Hoare recently wrote that “the principal ideological division in global politics today” is “pro-Western vs anti-Western” I think that he too was oversimplifying. For the left, it is not about being reflexively pro or anti-Western. It is about standing with the poor, the oppressed and the exploited. It is about being consistently pro-social justice.

This is where Terry’s piece is devastating. He writes that the left’s obsession with anti-Zionism at the expense of social justice has meant that:

They have preempted the possibility of a legitimately robust international peace movement that might have found a way to intervene on behalf of ordinary Israelis, Palestinians, and Lebanese during the bloody crises of this century’s first decade. And they have given courage and comfort to antisemitic fanatics and anti-modernist zealots from the crowded tenements of Gaza to the scorched opium fields of Kandahar.

In Canada, they have effectively infantilized important Canadian debates about the Afghanistan mission, upending these debates into a lurid discourse about American imperialism.

They have undermined labor-movement solidarity campaigns on behalf of the persecuted trade unionists of Iran. They have “problematized” the potential for Canadian leadership in a multilateral intervention on behalf of the suffering people of Darfur.

Reading Terry’s article makes it perfectly clear that a left that simply defines itself purely in terms of its position vis a vis the West is not just a left that has lost its way, but one that has abandoned judgement and, thereby, integrity.

Comments

  1. Terry Glavin

    Hi Gadgie. Thanks for noticing.

    Just so you know, Postone was referring not to the “anti-globalization” movement but to contemporary New Left “anti-war” mobilizations. You can download a copy of his essay here:

    http://tinyurl.com/4tkt3b

    It may be that my view didn’t come out as clearly as I’d wanted in that essay, since it was intended specifically as kind of survey of the conditions that allowed for the emergence of an especially ugly anti-Zionism as a key feature of leftist politics in Canada, with the “anti-war” movement serving as its key vector.

    My own view is that it is precisely the milieu that Heath and Potter call “counterculture” politics that allowed for the rise of reactionary, anti-worker politics in leftist guise, and allowed also for the rejection of progressive internationalism that has so deeply implicated the “anti-war” movement.

    I’m not sure that this particular outcome was in any way inevitable. Indeed, while there is no end of comparisons one might draw between the trajectories of anti-globalization and anti-war politics, as you point out there is within the category of “anti-globalization” activism at least an encouraging diversity of approaches. I would say the same about “environmentalism.”

    What keeps me going is the possibility of an internationalist social democracy that is capable of embracing globalization and universal values at the same time as it defends individual liberty - along with cultural and ecological diversity - as public goods, and as working-class entitlements, all at once.

    As you also point out, our politics are not so easily consigned to camps, pro or anti globalization, pro or anti west (although I think Hoare is definitely onto something there), and so on - and for that, too, thanks.

    On about a related matter at my place today: http://tinyurl.com/4ewe9n

  2. Gadgie

    Thanks for the Postone reference.

    Have commented on your place as well after a loon came on. I read the Stuffed and Starved blog regularly and was thinking of mentioning the current world food crisis in my post.

    With you all the way. There is a battle on now not just to combat the loony tunes but to talk about political alternatives. There is a tendency in the UK for conservative complacency in simply attacking the stopper left, rather than putting forward a positive agenda, when workers’ rights badly need defending at home. I remember reading on Kamm’s blog not so long ago that he was adamant that Thatcher was right to have crushed the miners’ union and hit the roof.

    One is dangerous because of the damage it does to left movements, the other is because it prevents serious left alternatives arising and colonises mainstream movements, like the Labour Party, that should be speaking and acting for the working class.

    So keep going mate - the fight is on.